ZLOČESTA KOMUNISTIČKA DJECA
Need for international condemnation of crimes
of totalitarian communist regimes Provisional version Political Affairs Committee I. Draft Resolution II. Draft Recommendation III. Explanatory memorandum I. Draft Resolution 1.
The
Assembly refers to its Resolution 1096 (1996) on measures to dismantle
communist totalitarian systems. 2.
The
totalitarian communist regimes which ruled in Central and Eastern Europe in the
last century, and which are still in power in several countries in the world,
have been, without exception, characterised by the massive violation of human
rights. The violations have differed depending on the culture, country and the
historical period, and have included individual and collective assassinations
and executions, death in concentration camps, starvation, deportations,
torture, slave labour and other forms of mass physical terror. 3.
The
crimes were justified in the name of the class struggle theory and the
principle of dictatorship of the proletariat. The interpretation of both
principles legitimised the “elimination” of people who were considered harmful
to the construction of a new society and, as such, enemies of the totalitarian
communist regimes. A vast number of victims in every country concerned
were its own nationals. It was the case particularly of peoples of the former
USSR who by far outnumbered other peoples in terms of number of victims. 4.
The
Assembly recognises that in spite of the crimes of totalitarian communist
regimes, some European communist parties have made contributions to achieving
democracy. 5.
The
fall of totalitarian communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe has not
been followed in all cases by an international investigation on the crimes
committed by them. Moreover, the authors of these crimes have not been brought
to trail by the international community as was the case with the horrible
crimes committed in the name of National Socialism (Nazism). 6.
Consequently,
public awareness of crimes committed by totalitarian communist regimes is very
poor. Communist parties are legal and active in some countries, even if
in some cases they have not distanced themselves from the crimes committed by
totalitarian communist regimes in the past. 7.
The
Assembly is convinced that the awareness of history is one of the preconditions
to avoiding similar crimes in the future. Furthermore, moral assessment and
condemnation of crimes committed play an important role in the education of
young generations. The clear position of the international community on the
past may be a reference for their future actions. 8.
Moreover,
the Assembly believes those victims of crimes committed by totalitarian
communist regimes who are still alive or their families deserve sympathy,
understanding and recognition for their sufferings. 9.
Totalitarian
communist regimes are still active in some countries of the world and crimes
continue to be committed. National interests perception should not prevent
countries from adequate criticism of present totalitarian communist regimes.
The Assembly strongly condemns all violations of human rights. 10.
The
debates and condemnations which have taken place so far at national level in
some Council of Europe member states, cannot give dispensation to the
international community from taking a clear position on the crimes committed by
the totalitarian communist regimes. It has a moral obligations to do so without
any further delay. 11.
The
Council of Europe is well placed for such a debate at international level. All
former European communist countries, with the exception of Belarus, are now its
members, and the protection of human rights and the rule of law are basic
values for which it stands. 12.
Therefore,
the Parliamentary Assembly strongly condemns the massive human rights
violations committed by the totalitarian communist regimes and expresses
sympathy, understaning and recognition to the victims of crimes. 13.
Furthermore,
it calls on all communist or post-communist parties in its member states which
have not so far done so, to reassess the history of communism and their own
past, clearly distance themselves from the crimes committed by totalitarian
communist regimes and condemn them without any ambiguity. 14.
The
Assembly believes that this clear position of the international community will
pave the way to further reconciliation. Furthermore, it will hopefully
encourage historians throughout the world to continue their research aimed at
the determination and objective verification of what took place.
1.
The
Parliamentary Assembly refers to its Resolution 1096 (1996) on measures to
dismantle communist totalitarian systems, and to Resolution … on the need for
international condemnation of crimes of totalitarian communist regimes. 2.
The
Assembly is of the opinion that there is an urgent need for an in-depth and
exhaustive international debate on the crimes committed by totalitarian
communist regimes with a view to giving sympathy, understaning and recognition
to all those affected by these crimes. 3.
It
is convinced that the Council of Europe, being an organisation which stands for
the rule of law and protection of the human rights, should take a clear
position on the crimes committed by the communist regimes. 4.
Therefore,
the Assembly urges the Committee of Ministers: I.
to
set up a committee composed of independent experts with the task of collecting
and assessing information and legislation related to violations of human rights
under different totalitarian communist regimes; II.
to
adopt an official declaration for the international condemnation of the crimes
committed by totalitarian communist regimes, and to pay tribute to its victims
irrespective of their nationality; III.
to
launch a public awareness campaign on the crimes committed by totalitarian
communist regimes at European level; IV.
to
organise an international conference on the crimes committed by totalitarian
communist regimes with participation of representatives of governments,
parliamentarians, academics, experts and NGOs. V.
to
urge the Council of Europe member states which had been ruled by totalitarian
communist regimes: a.
to
establish committees composed of independent experts with the task of
collecting and assessing information on violations of human rights under the
totalitarian communist regime at national level with a view to collaborate
closely with a Council of Europe committee of experts; b.
to
revise national legislation with a view to making it comply fully with
Committee of Ministers’ Recommendation (2000) 13 on a European policy on access
to archives; c.
to
launch a national awareness campaign about crimes committed in the name of
communist ideology including the revision of school books and the introduction
of a memorial day for victims of communism and the establishment of museums. d.
to
encourage local authorities to erect memorials as a tribute to the victims of
the totalitarian communist regimes.
I. INTRODUCTION 1.
The
fall of communist rules in central and eastern European states in the early
nineties of the twentieth century raised numerous discussions concerning
political and legal assessment of actions and crimes committed in the name of
communist ideology. The responsibility of the perpetrators and their possible
prosecution has become an issue. In all former communist countries national
debates on the subject were held and in several countries specific laws on
“decommunisation” and/or lustration have been passed. 2.
In
all countries concerned this question was considered as part of a broader
process of dismantling the former system, and transition to democracy. It was
perceived as an internal matter, and the guidance from the international
community, and in particular from the Council of Europe was focused on the
prevention of possible violation of human rights. 3.
In
this spirit two reports of the Parliamentary Assembly on measures to dismantle
communist totalitarian systems were elaborated on by Mr Espersen and Mr Severin
on behalf of the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights respectively in
1995 and 1996, the former was referred back to the Committee after a debate in the
Assembly, the latter resulted in the adoption of Resolution 1096 (1996). 4.
So
far, however, neither the Council of Europe nor any other international
intergovernmental organisation has undertaken the task of general evaluation of
communist rules, serious discussion on the crimes committed in their name, and
their public condemnation. Indeed, however difficult it is to understand, there
has been no serious, in-depth debate on the ideology which was at the root of
widespread terror, massive human rights violations, death of many millions of
individuals, and the plight of whole nations. Whereas another totalitarian
regime of the 20th century, namely nazism, has been investigated,
internationally condemned and the perpetrators have been brought to trial,
similar crimes committed in the name of communism have neither been
investigated nor received any international condemnation. 5.
The
absence of international condemnation may be partly explained by the existence
of countries whose rules are still based on communist ideology. The wish to
maintain good relations with some of them may prevent certain politicians from
dealing with this difficult subject. Furthermore, many politicians still active
today have supported in one way or another former communist regimes. For obvious
reasons they would prefer not to deal with the question of responsibility. In
many European countries there are communist parties which have not formally
condemned the crimes of communism. Last but not least, different elements of
communist ideology such as equality or social justice still seduce many
politicians who fear that condemnation of communist crimes would be identified
with the condemnation of communist ideology. 6.
However,
the Rapporteur is of the opinion, that there is an urgent need for public
debate on the crimes of communism and their condemnation at international
level. It should be done without any further delay for several reasons.
Firstly, for the sake of general perception it should be clear that all crimes,
including those committed in the name of ideology praising the most respectable
ideals like equality and justice, are condemned, and there is no exception to
this principle. This is particularly important for young generations who have
no personal experience of communist rules. The clear position of international
community on the past may be a reference for their future actions. 7.
It
seems that a sort of nostalgia for communism is still alive in some countries.
That creates the danger of communists taking over power in one country or
another. This report should contribute to the general awareness of the history
of this ideology. 8.
Secondly,
as long as victims of communist regimes or their families are still alive, it
is not too late to give them moral satisfaction for their suffering. 9.
Last
but not least, the communist regimes are still active in some countries of the
world, and the crimes committed in the name of communist ideology continue to
take place. In my opinion, the Council of Europe, the organisation which stands
for the human rights has no right to remain indifferent and silent even if
those countries are not Council of Europe member states. The international
condemnation will give more credibility and arguments to the internal
opposition within these countries and may contribute to some positive
developments. This is the least that Europe, a cradle of the communist
ideology, can do for these countries. 10.
It
should be stressed that there is no question in this report of any financial
compensation for victims of communist crimes, and the only compensation which
is recommended is of a moral nature. 11.
The
15th anniversary of the fall of communist rules in many European countries
provides a good opportunity for such action. The Council of Europe is well
placed to carry out this task as almost half of its member states have
experienced communist rules. 12.
In
the framework of the preparation of this report, the Committee organised a
hearing with participation of eminent personalities, whose expertise on the
subject has contributed largely to the preparation of the present report. (See
Programme for the Hearing in Annex 1). I have also carried out fact-finding
visits to Bulgaria (16 May 2005), Latvia (3 June 2005) and Russia (16-17 June
2005) (See attached Programmes of the visits in Annexes 2-4). I would like to
express my gratitude to the national parliamentary delegations of these
countries for their assistance in the preparation of these visits. 13.
I
wish to stress that this report is by no means intended to be an exhaustive
account of communist crimes. Historic research should be left to historians,
and there is already quite a substantial amount of literature on the subject,
which I used when preparing the present report. This report is designed as a
political assessment of the crimes of communism.
14.
The
communist regimes, as the ones under scrutiny in this report can be defined by
a number of features, including in particular the rule of a single, mass party
committed, at least at the verbal level, to the communist ideology. The power
is concentrated within a small group of party leaders who are not accountable
or constrained by the rule of law. 15.
The
party controls the state to such extent that the boundary between both is
blurred. Furthermore, it expands its control over the population in every
aspect of everyday life to an unprecedented level. 16.
The
right of association is non-existent, the political pluralism is abolished and
any opposition as well as all attempts of independent self-organisation are
severely punished. On the other hand, mass mobilisation channelled through the
party or its secondary or satellite organisations is encouraged and sometimes
even forced. 17.
In
order to enforce its control over the public sphere and prevent any action
beyond its control, such communist regimes expand police forces to an
unprecedented degree, establish networks of informers and encourage
denunciation. The size of police formations, numbers of secret informers have
varied at different times and in countries, but it has always exceeded by far
numbers in any democratic state. 18.
Means
of mass communication are monopolised and/or controlled by the state. Strict
preventive censorship is applied as a rule. In consequence, the right to
information is violated and free press is non-existent. 19.
Nationalisation
of the economy which is a permanent feature of the communist rule and stems
directly from the ideology puts restrictions on private property and individual
economic activity. As a consequence, citizens are more vulnerable vis-ŕ-vis
state which is the monopolising employer and the sole source of income. 20.
Communist
rules lasted over 80 years in the country in which they first came into being,
namely in Russia then renamed as the Soviet Union. In other European countries
it was about 45 years. Outside Europe communist parties have been ruling for
more than 50 years in China, North Korea and Vietnam, more than 40 in Cuba, and
30 in Laos. Communist rules reigned for some time in different African, Asian
and South American countries under the then Soviet influence. 21.
More
than twenty countries on four continents may qualify as communist or under
communist rule over some period of time. Besides the Soviet Union and its six
European satellites, the list includes Afghanistan, Albania, Angola, Benin,
Cambodia (Kampuchea), China, Congo, Cuba, Ethiopia, North Korea, Laos,
Mongolia, Mozambique, Vietnam, South Yemen, and Yugoslavia. 22.
The
number of population living under the communist rule accounted for over 1
billion before 1989. 23.
The
longevity and geographical expansion have implied differences and modifications
in practice of communist rules in different countries, cultures and times. The
communist regime has evolved, resulting from its inner dynamics or in response
to the international circumstances. It is difficult to compare communist rules
in Russia in 1930, Hungary in 1960 or Poland in 1980. 24.
However,
despite the diversity, one can clearly determine common features of historic
communist regime whatever country, culture or time. One of the most evident
characteristics is the flagrant violation of human rights.
25. The communist
rules have been characterised by the massive violation of human rights since
the very beginning. In order to achieve and maintain power, the communist
regimes have gone beyond individual assassinations and local massacres, and
have integrated crime into the ruling system. It is true that several years
after the establishment of the regime in most European countries, and after
tens of years in the Soviet Union and China, terror has lost a little of its
initial vigour. However, “memory of terror” played an important role in
societies, and the potential threat substituted real atrocities. Furthermore,
if need arose, the regimes have resorted to terror as illustrated by
Czechoslovakia in 1968, Poland in 1971, 1976 and 1981 or China in 1989. This
rule applies to all historic and present communist regimes irrespective of the
country. 26. According to
cautious estimations (exact data is not available) the number of people killed
by the communist regimes divided by countries or regions can be made up as
follows : - the
Soviet Union: 20 million victims These figures include a variety of
situations: individual and collective executions, deaths in concentration
camps, victims of starvation and deportations. 27.
The
figures quoted above are documented, and if they are only estimations, it is
because there is justified ground for suspicion that they should be much
higher. Unfortunately, restricted access to archives, in particular in Russia,
does not allow for the proper verification of exact numbers. 28.
The
important feature of communist crimes has been repression directed against
whole categories of innocent people whose only “crime” was being members of
these categories. In this way, in the name of ideology, the regimes have
murdered tens of millions of rich peasants (kulaks), nobles, bourgeois,
Cossacks, Ukrainians and other groups. 29.
These
crimes are direct results of the class struggle theory which imposed the need
for “elimination” of people who were not considered as useful to the construction
of a new society. A vast number of the victims were nationals. 30.
In
the late twenties, in the Soviet Union, the GPU (former Czeka) introduced
quotas: every district was obliged to deliver a fixed number of “class
enemies”. The figures were established centrally by the leadership of the
communist party. Thus local authorities had to arrest, deport and execute
concrete numbers of people; if they failed to do so, they themselves were
subject to persecution. 31.
In
terms of numbers of victims, the list of the most important communist crimes
includes the following: -
individual
and collective executions of people considered as political opponents without
or with arbitrary trials, bloody repressions of manifestations and strikes,
killing of hostages and prisoners of war in Russia in 1918-1922. Lack of access
to archives (and also lack of any documentation on numerous executions) makes
it impossible to give exact figures, but the number of victims is in the tens
of thousands. -
starvation
of approximately 5 million people in consequence of requisitions, in particular
in Ukraine in 1921-1923. Starvation was used as a political weapon by several
communist regimes not only in the Soviet Union. -
extermination
of 300 000 to 500 000 Cossacks between 1919 and 1920 -
tens
of thousands of people perished in concentration camps. Here again, lack of
access to the archives makes the research impossible. -
690
000 people arbitrarily sentenced to death and executed as a result of the
“purge” in the communist party in 1937-1938. Thousands of others were deported
or placed in the camps. In total, between 1 October 1936 and 1 November 1938,
approximately 1 565 000 people were arrested, and out of this figure 668 305
were executed. According to many researchers these figures are underestimated
and should be verified when all the archives become accessible. -
massive
assassinations of approximately 30 000 “kulaks” (rich peasantry) during the
forced collectivisation of 1929-1933. A further 2 million were deported in
1930-1932. -
thousands
of ordinary people in the Soviet Union accused of relations with “enemies” and
executed in the period preceding the second world war. For example, in 1937,
approximately 144 000 people were arrested and out of this figure 110 000 were
executed after being accused of contacts with Polish citizens living in the
Soviet Union. Also in 1937, 42 000 people were executed on the grounds of
relations with German workers in the USSR. -
6
million Ukrainians starved to death following a deliberate state policy in
1932-1933 -
assassinations
and deportations of hundreds of thousands of Polish, Ukrainians, Lithuanians,
Latvians, Estonians, Moldavians and inhabitants of Besarabia in 1939-1941 and
1944-1945; -
deportation
of Volga Germans in 1941, Crimean Tartars in 1943, Chechens and Ingush in 1944; -
deportation
and extermination of one fourth of the population in Cambodia in 1975-1978; -
millions
of victims of criminal policies of Mao Zedong in China and Kim Ir Sen in North
Chorea. Here again, lack of documentation does not allow for precise data; -
numerous
victims in other parts of the world, Africa, Asia and Latin America, in
countries which call themselves communist and make direct reference to
communist ideology. This list is by no means exhaustive. There
is literally no country or area under communist rules which would not be able
to establish its own list of suffering. 32.
Concentration
camps established by the first communist regime as early as in September 1918
have become one of the most shameful symbols of communist regimes. In
1921, there were already 107 camps which accommodated over 50 000 detainees.
The extremely high mortality in these camps can be illustrated by the situation
in Kronstadt Camp: out of 6500 detainees placed in the camp in March 1921, only
1500 were alive a year later. 33.
In
1940, the number of detainees amounts to 2 350 000 accommodated in 53
concentration complexes, 425 special colonies, 50 colonies for minors and 90
houses for new-borns. 34.
Throughout
1940s there were on average 2,5 million detainees in camps at any time. In
light of the high mortality rate that meant that actual number of people who
were placed in camps was much higher. 35.
In
total, between 15 and 20 million people passed through the camps between 1930
and 1953. 36.
Concentration
camps have also been introduced in other communist regimes, notably in China,
North Chorea, Cambodia and Vietnam. 37.
Invasion
by the Soviet Army of several countries during the Second World War was
systematically followed by massive terror, arrests, deportations and
assassinations. Among the countries most affected was Poland (an estimated 440
000 victims in 1939, including the assassination of the Polish officers
prisoners of war in Katyn, in 1940), Estonia (175 000 victims including
assassination of 800 officers which amounts to 17,5 % of the whole population),
Lithuania, Latvia (119 000 victims), Besarabia and North Bukovina. 38.
Deportations
of whole nations were a common political measure particularly during the Second
World War. In 1940-41, approximately 330 000 Polish citizens living in the
areas occupied by the Soviet Army were deported to Eastern Soviet Union, mainly
to Kasachstan. 900 000 Germans from Volga region were deported in autumn 1941;
93 000 Kalmouks were deported in December 1943; 521 000 Chechen and Ingushetian
people were deported in February 1944; 180 000 Crimean Tartars were deported in
1944. The list would not be complete without mentioning Latvians, Lithuanians,
Estonians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Armenians from the Crimea, Meshketian Turks, and
Kurds from Caucasus. 39.
Deportations
also affected political opponents. Since 1920, the political opponents in
Russia were deported to the Solovki Islands. In 1927, the camp built in Solovki
contained 13 000 detainees representing 48 different nationalities. 40.
The
most violent crimes of the communist regimes like mass murder and genocide,
torture, slave labour, and other forms of mass, physical terror have continued
in the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent in other European countries until
the death of Stalin. 41.
Since
mid-1950s terror in the European communist countries significantly decreased
but selective persecution of various groups and individuals has continued. It
included police surveillance, arrests, imprisonment, fines, coerced psychiatric
treatment, various restrictions of freedom of movement, discrimination of
employment often resulting in poverty and professional exclusion, public
humiliation and slander. The post-Stalinist European communist regimes have
exploited the widespread fear of potential persecutions well present in collective
memory. In the long term, however, memory of past horrors has gradually
weakened having less influence on young generations. 42.
However,
even during these relatively calm periods, communist regimes have been capable
of resorting to massive violence if necessary, as illustrated by the events in
Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, or in Poland in 1956, 1968, 1970 and
1981. 43.
The
fall of communist rules in the Soviet Union and other European countries has
facilitated access to certain archives documenting communist crimes. Before
1990s, these archives were completely inaccessible. The documents which can be
found there constitute an important source of information on mechanisms of
ruling and decision making, and complement the historic knowledge on the functioning
of communist systems.
44.
It
seems to be confirmed that the criminal dimension of communist regimes has not
been the result of circumstances but rather the consequence of deliberate
policies elaborated on by the founders of such regimes even before they took
power. Historic Communist leaders have never hidden their objectives which were
the dictatorship of proletariat, elimination of political opponents and
categories of population incompatible with the new model of society. 45.
The
communist ideology, wherever and whenever implemented, be it in Europe or
elsewhere, has always resulted in massive terror, crimes and large scale
violation of human rights. When analysing the consequences of the
implementation of this ideology, one cannot ignore the similarities with the
consequences of the implementation of another ideology of 20th century, namely
nazism. Although mutually hostile, these two regimes shared a number of common
features. 46.
However,
whereas the criminal and condemnable character of the Nazi ideology and regime
has been uncontroversial, at least for half a century, and its leaders and many
perpetrators were held accountable, the communist ideology and regimes have not
encountered a comparable reaction. The crimes have rarely been subject to legal
prosecution, and many of the perpetrators have never been brought to justice.
Communist parties are still active in some countries, and they have not even
distanced themselves from the past when they supported and collaborated with
the criminal communist regimes. 47.
Communist
symbols are openly used, and public awareness of communist crimes is very
poor. This is particularly obvious when compared to public knowledge of
nazism crimes. The education of young generations in many countries certainly
does not help to decrease this gap. 48.
Political
and economic interests of particular countries affect the degree of criticism
of some still active communist regimes. It is particularly visible in the case
of China. 49.
As
Rapporteur I am of the opinion that there should be no further undue delay in
condemning the communist ideology and regimes at international level. This
should be done both by the Assembly at parliamentary level and by the Committee
of Ministers at intergovernmental level. Personally, I do not share the
position of some colleagues that a clear distinction should be made between
ideology and practice. The latter drives from the former and sooner or later
the initial good intentions are overtaken by the totalitarian one party system
and its abuses. 50.
It
should be clear, however, these are crimes committed in the name of communist
ideology which are condemned, and not any particular country. Russians
themselves were the first and most numerous victims of the communist ideology.
In every single country where the communists have taken over power, the crimes
were comparable. This report will hopefully contribute to further
reconciliation based on the historical truth and comprehension. 51.
The
Assembly should recommend to the Committee of Ministers the setting up of a
committee which would carry out comprehensive investigations concerning
communist crimes in Council of Europe member States. At the same time, the
member States which have not done so yet, should be urged to establish such
committees at national level. These committees would be expected to co-operate
closely with the Council of Europe committee. 52.
The
ultimate goal of the work of the Council of Europe and national committees
would be to establish facts and propose concrete measures aimed at bringing
quick justice and compensation, and pay tribute to the memory of the victims. 53.
The
necessary condition for the success of the work of the committees is access to
archives, particularly in Russia. Therefore, the relevant legislation in the
countries concerned and particularly in Russia, should comply with the
Committee of Ministers’ Recommendation (2000) 13 on a European policy on access
to archives; 54.
Last
but not least, the Committee of Ministers should initiate an awareness campaign
in Council of Europe member States on the crimes of communism. That would
include the revision of school books. The Council of Europe member States
should be encouraged to do so at national level.
Parliamentary Hearing on the Programme Introductory note Totalitarian communism
has passed into history. It is now a cliché to say “the ideas were right,
but the people failed”. There are still many communist regimes and parties
throughout the world, some of them have chosen a democratic line.
However, it is now time to take stock of the numerous crimes of totalitarian
communism of the past and condemn it solemnly. If we fail to do this an
illusion of nostalgia might set in the minds of younger generations as an
alternative to liberal democracy. This would constitute a huge setback to
our endeavours to strengthen democratic citizenship and to reject all concepts
of authoritarian regimes. Working Session
I Crimes of communism Presentations on: i. Suppression of
opponents: killings, persecutions, concentration camps and torture. ii. Violation of
rights: total control of freedom of expression, private life, freedom of
movement, religion and private property. - Mr Stéphane COURTOIS,
Director of research, CNRS, chief redactor of « Communism », author of « Black
Book of communism: crimes, terror et repression” - Mr Vladimir
BUKOVSKY, former Soviet dissident, author of several books on communism - Mr Toomas HIIO,
Estonian Foundation for the Investigation of the Crimes Against Humanity Discussion Working session II
Historical dimension i. Introduction: Mr Dariusz STOLA,
Institute of Political Studies, Polish Academy of Science (PAN) ii. Theory and
practice: why should we condemn “communist crimes” and not communism as a
utopia? Panel with participation
of the parliamentarians Statement by Ms Aguiar, Rapporteur iii. Importance of
a condemnation in a political / historical perspective Statement by Ms
Aguiar, Rapporteur Discussion Conclusions and possible adoption of a
declaration. Visit to Bulgaria, 15-16 May, 2005 Programme Preparation of the
report on “Need for International Condemnation of the Crimes of Communism” 15 MAY, SUNDAY, ARRIVAL 16 MAY, MONDAY 10.30 Meeting with
representatives of the Ministry of Justice 11.00 Meeting with
representatives of the Committee for the Protection of Classified
Information 12.00 Meeting
with the Committee for Human Rights, National Assembly 12.30 Lunch
break 13.30 Meeting with
NGOs: Union of Repressed People; Union of People Repressed after 9 September
1944; "Truth"; League for Protection of Human Rights 16.50 Departure for the
airport, VIP Lounge Visit to Latvia, 3rd June, 2005 Programme Preparation of the report on “Need for
International Condemnation of the Crimes of Communism” Members of the delegation: Mr Gőran Lindblad - (Sweden, European
People’s Party) Thursday, 2 June Arrival of the delegation Friday, 3 June 08:45 Departure from the
hotel 09:00 – 09:30 Meeting with the
Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr Artis Pabriks 09.45 - 10.15 Meeting with the Head
of the Political planning department of Ministry of Justice Mrs Laila Medina 10.30 – 11.00 Meeting with the
person advised by the Ministry of Interior Mr Kārlis Daukšts 11.15 - 12.15 Meeting with
representatives of the following NGOs Latvian Association of Politically
Repressed Memorial Siberian children responsible person Mrs Zane Zvaigzne
(Council of Europe information centre) 12.30 - 13.10 Visit of the Centre
for the documentation of the consequences of totalitarianism. Meeting with the
head of the centre Mr Indulis Zālite 13.20 -
14.30 Working lunch with the Latvian Delegation to the Council of Europe
Parliamentary Assembly and with the chairman of the Parliamentary Working Group
for Drafting Declaration on Condemnation of Communism Mr Guntis
Bērziņš 14.45 -
15.25 Meeting with the members of the Parliamentary Working Group for
Drafting Declaration on Condemnation of Communism 15.30 –
16.30 Meeting with the experts and historians consulting the Parliamentary
Working Group for Drafting Declaration on Condemnation of Communism 16.40 Departure
to the airport APPENDIX IV Visit to Moscow, 15-17 June 2005 Programme Preparation of the report on “Need for International Condemnation of the Crimes of Communism” Wednesday, 15 June 21h30/22h25 - Arrival of members of the delegation in Moscow Accommodation at the hotel Thursday, 16 June 08h00-09h30 - Working breakfast with NGOs (at the hotel) 10h00/10h30 - Meeting at the Centre for rehabilitation of victims of political repressions and archival information (of the Ministry for the Interior of the RF) - Lunch 13h30/14h00 - Meeting at the Institute of Universal History of the Russian Academy of Sciences 16h00-18h00 - Meetings at the State Duma with Factions and Committees Friday, 17 June 8h30 - Working breakfast with Mr Kosachev, Head of the Russian Delegation 11h00 - Meeting with Head of the Federal Archival Agency Mr Vladimir Kozolv 12h45 - Meeting at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences 14h00 - Departure for the airport (Sheremetyevo II) 16h50/17h00 - Departure of the members of the delegation |
